av Lilly-Anne Ø. Elgvin

Innlegg på konferansen 'Kjønnsmakt i Norden', Oslo, 12. og 13. juni 2003. Workshopen 'Rettighetspolitikk'

Introduction:

The altarpiece of Karesuando church, northern Sweden, by sculpturer Bror Hjort, indicates the importance of a woman in the Laestadian movement1 from the start. There are three people at the foot of the cross: Lars Levi Laestadius, Maria Clementsdotter and Johan Raattamaa. The sculpture also illustrates the interethnic and intercultural aspect that has been a lasting characteristic of Laestadianism: the three people are all Swedish citizens, but Maria Clementsdotter was a Saami as well and Johan Raattamaa was of Finnish descent.

My own background: I grew up in the south of Norway and knew nothing about Laestadianism until I came to Finnmark as a teacher. Over the years I have learned a bit, although in my research I have concentrated on Lars Levi Læstadius and the origins of the movement. I have been both curious and skeptical about women’s position in this movement, which by many is viewed as a traditional patriarchal movement. Trying to keep an open mind while preparing this paper, I found something that to me was unexpected, and that I think is bound to influence one’s view of Laestadian gender relations. It has to do with "the power of the keys", which I will explain as I continue.

I have interviewed three women and a preacher belonging to the Alta branch of Laestadianism2. The three women informants were chosen at random, and none of them were personally known to me beforehand. The preacher, however, is a person I knew about through my work. Under different names the Alta branch stretches southwards through the Swedish-Finnish Tornedalen and further south along the Finnish side of Bottenviken. As we can see on the map Laestadianism is a conglomeration of related groups, and they are in some respects quite different from each other. There are also differences within each group. Thus I can obviously not make any claim to full representativity. Still, however, I believe that the material I have may present a sufficiently generalizable impression of gender relations in one branch of Laestadianism and allow us to make some relevant reflections.

I have asked questions belonging to three main areas of concern: The self-realization and the control of their own lives of women, their roles and functions at home and in the congregation, and the co-influence of women in the congregation. I have tried to grasp the ideas and values that influence the lived lives of women and the gender relations of this group of Laestadians. If an evaluation is to be made, the perspective of the people concerned ought to be considered. This is not an analysis of social structures followed by an appraisal of power relations. I have chosen to emphasize aspects that originate in the theology of the group and which in turn influence gender relations. The material I have gathered lent itself to such an approach. The paper is organized in two main sections: I. Laestadian women in the sphere of the home. II. Laestadian women in the sphere of the congregation.


I. Laestadian women in the sphere of the home

The first series of questions I asked were related to self-realization and freedom of choice. In this setting I asked about the women’s childhood family and their present family, their level of education and type of work, whether there were differences in the upbringing of boys and girls, their views on the roles of men and women in society.

The women interviewed are Aud (30), Astri (38), and Kristine who is in her 40’s. (The names are not authentic.) All of them became Christians, (their own wording), and active members of the congregation during a local revival in the mid 1980’s, a revival that spread especially among young people. Aud and Astri had until then no contact with or knowledge of Laestadianism, while Kristine was brought up in a preacher’s home. Today each of them is the mother of a large household. Astri married at 18 ½ and has 11 children. Aud married at 16 ½ and has 8 children. Kristine has 5. Only Kristine has a part time job outside the home, she is a "kirketjener" of the State Church, (which means that she makes the preparations for and assists practically during church services).3 She has a basic secretary and business education. This type of education she shares with Astri who worked four years in a travel agency before becoming a mother. Aud has no specific education after mandatory school, and has had periodical employment as an unskilled social worker. None of their husbands have higher education. All men have a Laestadian family background. One of them has not been an active participant in the Laestadian congregation for some time, while the wife and children continue to go to the meetings.4

All informants agree that the principles of upbringing should be the same for boys and girls. Boys are expected to share in the household work, for instance, (Kristine tells with a laugh, though, that one of her boys pays his sister to do his part). Kristine wants to emphasize that questions that arise in the upbringing of the children are resolved by the parents together. The young get into many new situations, and one has to decide where the limits go. It is not uncommon that such questions are discussed informally with other parents, with friends in the congregation.

On question of whether it is an ideal that the women stay at home rather than work outside, Aud and Astri say it is the number of children that decides. "When no more children come, or if one only has a few, then one will get a job." Astri was working until she had her second child, Aud has been working periodically, before and between pregnancies. Astri wanted to have at least four children, as they were four in her childhood family. Now she has eleven, and thinks she has a life at least as good as the lives of others she observes in her neighbourhood: "... those who have worked hard at the fish factories, at the supermarkets, at the offices, and such. Even if there have been hard times, I believe I am as content in my life as they are; perhaps even more, since I work for my own family. With many children you are bound to meet hardships, like illness - we have a child with Down’s syndrome, which means you get a little extra on your shoulders." Aud never liked school very much and is happy to be at home: "I have never thought that I should have had another life. I married, I had my first, second and third child ... and I have been happy about it."

According to this branch of Laestadianism the use of contraceptives is not right. Every child is to be received as a gift of God and a blessing. Astri and Aud are quite clear about this. It has been rather common that girls in the congregation marry early, before the end of their teens. Kristine says: "It may seem as if this is what they dream about, to have a home of their own, to be the one in charge, no longer be only one of many children in a large family. But I cannot help thinking that there are not many choices left for the young girls when the children begin to come, as they mostly do." Girls are encouraged to get an education before they start a family. "The way society is now, it is necessary," Aud and Astri agree. In the last instance, however, the young girls decide for themselves. Astrid’s eldest child, a girl of 17, has just married.

Other women in the congregation have made other choices. They have not married so early, they have been through higher education, and have participated more in the working life. "Other people look at us as if we all live exactly the same way, but there are differences." Aud and Astri think that there are no obstacles for a woman who wants to take a different course than theirs. Several women from their congregation work in the social sector, some as nurses, two are midwives, while one is a teacher - in other words traditional women’s and low pay occupations, but still occupations that demand higher education.5 As for political activity, Laestadian women are not being discouraged, I am told.6 "It depends on one’s own abilities", Kristine says, "but the children must come first". Generally, she thinks, "equality in society is fine, but within the congregation the Bible rules".

In the home one of the important tasks of women is to teach children in the faith. "The woman is regarded as the most important preacher in the home," Astri says. "Not so that it is just left to her, on the contrary, it is very highly evaluated, that preacher role. Man is preacher in the prayer house, woman in the home."

These Laestadian women appear to be relatively independent vis-à-vis their husbands. They have their own areas of responsibility, partly because of circumstances, partly by choice. A large number of children keeps them at home for long periods. No doubt it can be tough work and imply self denial. On the other hand, Aud feels privileged to enjoy meals at peace with her husband and children, seeing neighbouring families hurrying to and fro between kindergarten, work and home, through the kitchen window. Aud also thinks that she makes a contribution to society as much as working women do. "Sometimes it seems that people think we just sit in our houses and have no concern about anything else, we are just there with the children. For us, at least for me, I think it is very important to be "just" at home, to take care of everything here." She often spends time with other mothers who are at home, which she sees as a good thing even for their children, who do not go to kindergarten. These women do not have the problem of being alone and more or less cut off from contact with other grown-ups, which many others have had ever since it became more common for women to leave home for work.

One may ask whether a person or a group can be said to be suppressed without feeling that they are. Opinions will differ on this, and maybe the answer is not at all simple. I think it is important that questions of self-realization and control of one’s own life are related to the values of those concerned. When Laestadian women allow a certain interpretation of the Bible to influence the number of children they have, this may be seen as one way of exercising control of their own lives, choosing the values of their own minority religious community, rather than the values of the majority society. When they embrace the ideas of the dignity and importance of being a mother, they obviously experience this as a form of self-realization. Worth noting is also the comment on very young girls who wish to marry: They may actually want to become "their own boss" through marrying.

A cardinal question is whether these values are actually chosen and whether the choices are really free. One may of course object that such values are rather more or less adopted from the milieu in a non-reflective way. One can hardly answer such questions on behalf of all. The stories of Aud and Astri are cases worth noting. They did not grow up as Laestadians and knew very well about other alternatives when they became members of the congregation. However, one may ask, like one of my informants actually did, whether a girl who starts a family while still in her teens really sees the implications, the possible consequences in later life of the choice she makes? But again, who does foresee, whatever one’s choice is?

From what I have said about Laestadian women so far, one might suggest that they are living in a form of modified Lutheran construction of gender and vocation. However, in spite of certain similarities, I am reluctant to use a label like that. I would not only be careful with categorizations because of the differences among Laestadian women, but also I think one needs to stress that in very many respects Laestadian women are part of modern society, they do not live isolated lives. In my interviews as well as in my presentation I have dwelt on peculiarities, not on what these women have in common with all of us - if those other things were taken fully into account, the picture of what their lives are like would appear somewhat different.7

What, then, is likely to be the deeper motivation for the choices of Laestadian women in the matters where they are different? I think the answer is very simple. It is a conviction that the Bible is the Word of God and, therefore, an undisputable authority over against popular opinion or custom. Coupled with a biblisistic interpretation of the words of the Bible this has tangible consequences f. ex. as regards family planning, women’s clothing, or for that matter female preachers - which brings me over to the next part of this presentation.


II. Laestadian women in the sphere of the congregation

Questions in this section are related to the position and role of women in the congregational setting as compared to that of men. I will draw on the interview with the preacher, aged about 50, as well as on those with the women.

A common conviction and practice in all Laestadian branches is that the preaching of the Word of God and formal spiritual leadership should be restricted to men. "It has always been like that here", Astri says, "it is a matter of course, for us it is natural, we have never doubted what Scripture says, there are no women here who have wished to become a preacher". This is a parallel to the traditional view of the church, and is argued for in the same way. In the Alta branch this is taken to mean that even Sunday school can only be run by men. (Exceptions do exist, however. I was told by my preacher informant that in Ingermanland, which is a missionary field for these Laestadians, women are responsible for Sunday school, simply because they are the ones who manage to get the message across to the children! The missionary work is thus more important than gender.) Male dominance is therefore to most people an immediate impression of Laestadianism in Alta. With this in mind one may go on to ask the following: Does the fact that only men are preachers influence aspects of relations within the congregation, such as men’s attitudes to women, women’s image of themselves, and the way men and women relate to each other? Does the visible male dominance reflect a corresponding real spiritual influence in the congregation? As I was working on such questions one aspect of the life of the congregation came to stand out more than others. This was the importance of spiritual counseling / "sjelesorg" in Laestadianism,8 its specific content, and the way it is being practiced.

"The power of the keys"
A core common trait of all branches of Laestadianism is the importance and frequent practice of the confession of sin with absolution. The form of the practice may vary, but the basic content is the same. It is based on biblical prescription (Mat. 16.19, 18.18, and Joh. 20.23),9 hence also its designation: "The power of the keys". Laestadians believe that a person cannot be reconciled to God in solitude, but that the congregation as an assembly has been given the keys through which the Holy Spirit works and the door of heaven is opened. The act of confessing oneself as a sinner and of hearing the declaration of the forgiveness of one’s sins "in the name and blood of Jesus" is both the entrance to the congregation and the beginning of the Christian life. But this is only the first time of many; this act will be repeated many times throughout one’s life in the congregation. All believers have a share in "the power of the keys" and may exercise this power, men and women alike. It is a function that belongs to the "priesthood of all believers".10

Aud and Astri state clearly that this act or event is the most decisive in Christian life and that it makes no difference whether the person who pronounces the absolution, (forgiveness of sin), is a man or a woman. They relate their own stories, how they became Christians and entered the congregation. In Astri’s case it happened during a meeting, the first she ever visited, she stood up and asked for anyone to hear: "May I believe that I am a forgiven sinner, a child of God?" An elderly woman who was sitting close by gave her the affirmation in the form of an absolution. In Aud’s case it happened in the midst of friends, as they were gathered one night. Several of them pronounced the absolution to her, later it was confirmed in the congregation. Similarly Kristine says that a confession does not need to be made to the preacher or to another male, nor does it need to happen at the gathering of the congregation - not even that first decisive time. She finds it difficult to judge which is more common, the use of male confessors or female. In any case, if it is the first time, one will later want to confess and receive absolution in the midst of the congregation - this, then, is really a confirmation, and it does not need to be given by the preacher or another male person.

Considering the fundamental importance of "the use of the keys" in Laestadianism, one might ask which role is considered more important, that of being a preacher or that of being a confessor. Speaking with my informants, I understand that such a question is wrongly put in the first place. It would not be right to say that the one is more important than the other, either way. Both are about the receiving of faith. The preacher is very clear about this. Faith may be received not only in the situation of confession and absolution, but also while listening to a sermon. "It is the work of the Word and the Gospel, and the human element in it needs to be reduced", he says. Apparently he thinks that the human element needs to be reduced in both situations. This is in keeping with an explicit statement by Erik Wentin, who has written about the Laestadianism of Österbotten, Finland: "The confessor does not have such a position within the movement as to motivate confession for certain confessors. It is the Word, the absolution, which is decisive." 11

Male power inherent in the reservation of he preacher’s role for men is most likely counterbalanced, if not cancelled out, by the fact that both genders have an equal share in the exercise of "the power of the keys". I think one sees an indication that this is in fact so, in that Laestadians themselves will not rank the importance of preaching and of exercising "the power of the keys". It is worth noting that they no more will say that preaching is the most important than they will say that the use of the keys is. Both phenomena are in the service of the Word and of the gift of faith to the individual.

Women as counselors
Counseling is a function that is not limited to "the use of the keys". It implies listening to and advising people in existential and moral dilemmas or in specific situations. In Laestadianism women, not only men, are commonly used as counselors. There is nothing extraordinary in this, but I think the reflections of my preacher informant on counseling are interesting: He strongly emphasizes the ability to give advice on a biblical basis as a required qualification. By this he does not mean to say that men are more qualified. "In counseling, when it comes to giving advice and comfort, a woman may have more of the needed experience." The same may be said about women when it comes to judge what is "good and true Christian faith": "kvinner sitter inne med like mye som menn" / "women are as capable as men are". He is aware that the role of counselor implies power, and he thinks that men more often than women abuse their powers in this situation. One way of doing it is to cause the confident to feel attached to the counselor himself, or to certain persons more than to others, rather than to the Word and to Christ. This comes close to saying that women are likely to be the best counselors. When asked specifically whether women may advise preachers, his answer is yes. He refers to a long tradition that goes way back to the wife of Johan Raattamaa, the first leader of the movement after Laestadius, who was well known for being a counselor to many. My female informants refer to Maria, the young sámi woman who was able to be of help to Laestadius himself. They argue that since she did it, other women can, and they do. (History, through oral tradition, is very much alive in this movement!)

In Laestadianism, theological education has traditionally had little or no importance. Men and women alike have acquired biblical knowledge basically through listening to sermons. Many read the sermons of Læstadius and Luther, (these are sometimes read out aloud at meetings in place of an ordinary sermon), and certain other books as well. Laestadians are capable of listening for hours, and after a meeting they often discuss what they have heard in informal gatherings. This is a practice that does not favour one gender over the other. Women may not be as outspoken or active in conversations and discussions as men are, but they participate, they learn, and they make their own judgements, as may be seen in counseling situations.

Laestadians have a tradition of assessing ministers of the church and preachers, or rather what they preach. I have asked whether women participate in this. When women listen and there is something that they react to, will they say so, and will they be taken seriously? Especially the elder women, Aud and Astri tell me, the ones who do not have to keep an eye on children during meetings, listen carefully: "They talk it over at home, and if there are things they have not understood or if they doubt that something is correct, they go to the preacher." And they are taken seriously, "since if you go to that step, then what you have to say is usually worth listening to" / “da har du som oftest noe å fare med"

When asked whether women have an influence on who should become new preachers in the congregation, their answer is that women have no formal saying in this. On the other hand, a new preacher is not someone who suddenly appears, but has been through a long period of training and evaluation. The men who have the formal responsibility will take the reception of the candidate by the congregation into account. Besides, on the grass roots level, in the homes, everyone is involved. As Aud puts it, however, "to sit in meetings and discuss, we women do not do that".

Influence from the larger society and its limits
The Alta branch has its own regular publication, "Sions blad". Contributions come not only from members of the local congregation, but even from Laestadians in the north of Sweden and Finland, and women are among the contributors. The New Testament statement that women are to keep quiet in the congregation is obviously not valid here. It seems somewhat paradoxical, since the readers of the publication may be seen as an extended congregation. On the other hand, perhaps we can see in this a consequence of a biblisistic interpretation of the scriptures: Issues on which the Bible gives specific statements are not open for discussion, whereas issues on which the Bible is not specific will have to be considered - here influences from common values of our own times may make themselves felt.

The congregation has a meeting house or "prayer house" and a board that deals with economic and practical matters mostly related to this house. Kristine sees no reason why women should not have a vote and also be eligible to this board. Some women have come to the annual meeting, but only to listen. She relates an incident when a woman who was present stood up and said: "Even if I am a woman", before continuing. Kristine thinks that she accepted the rule that women should not speak, "but not quite". When the matter seemed important enough and she had an opinion, she gave her opinion. However, when I ask Kristine about female preachers, she says: "It would not be natural in our congregation", and she refers to the Bible. It seems that experiences with the democratic practices of the larger society may to a certain extent influence Laestadian women in their attitude to practices in their own congregation, but that there is a limit.

Every summer a festival / "stevne" is arranged by the Alta branch, to which even Laestadians from Sweden and Finland come to take part. Sermons are translated to and fro Norwegian / Swedish and Finnish. There is a strong sense of unity in spite of noticeable differences, Kristine says. Not without humour she suggests that there is a division between an A-team and a B-team within the home congregation. The line goes between those who go to the prayer house every Sunday and those who do not, those who think that women should always wear a skirt and those who do not, etc. Kristine wears trousers the day we meet. Among those who come to the festival one sees many different styles of clothing, and there are differences between them in other matters, too. Still, all enjoy the fellowship and working together. Kristine thinks that those who are the most distinct / "markert" create the impression of what Laestadians are like, while there are many who are less strict. They agree about the teachings / "læren", but they may have different opinions on what it means in practical life. Yet there is a limit for such differences. The question of female preachers is safely within the limit. It seems to be self-evident to all Laestadians that women cannot be preachers. Why is there a limit at this particular point? Part of the answer could possibly be that while there is a considerable influence on Laestadians by the values of the larger society, there is a desire to shelter the inner life of the congregation from this same influence. Something along these lines I would take as an interpretation of Kristine’s statement: "Equality in society is fine, but in the congregation the Bible rules."

At a closer look, the Alta branch of Laestadianism turns out to encompass aspects that may moderate or balance the impression of male dominance. From the very beginning Laestadianism has been a movement of individual counseling in which the exercise of the "power of the keys" within "the priesthood of all believers" has been of central importance. In this context there is little or no gender differentiation. A traditionally very low esteem of theological education within Laestadianism may also have contributed to the generally wide and common accommodation of women as counselors within the movement. Both genders have access to the same basic sources of biblical knowledge; women can become as knowledgeable as men. Biblical knowledge, along with faith and life experience are the important qualifications for spiritual counseling, and function as the base for an informal spiritual leadership, by women as well as by men.

An important conclusion I draw from my material is that the Word of the Bible is a recognized authority above men and women alike. Generally it might be true to say that the authority of the Word makes itself felt more than the formal authority of men over women. Women’s part in "the priesthood of all believers" and in "the power of the keys" is bound to reduce the effect in subordination terms of the ban on women’s preaching and formal leadership. Ideally, the Word is not used by men to overrule women in home or congregation, but provides both genders with the rules of faith and life. To the extent that this is so, an appropriate designation of the Alta branch of Laestadianism would be: "Together in obedience to the Word".

Lilly-Anne Ø. Elgvin
Høgskolelektor
Høgskolen i Finnmark
lillyae@hifm.no

FOTNOTER

[1] Laestadianism is a revival movement within the Lutheran church, originating in northern Sweden with the pastor Lars Levi Laestadius (1800-1861), and quickly spreading to cover large parts of northern Norway and Finland as well. Its long lasting cultural impact on the population of the north is undisputed. It has helped to preserve the use of the Sámi and Finnish languages during times of hard pressure. A set of core traits may be said to characterize Laestadianism: A conservative interpretation of the Bible. A sceptical attitude to revisions of religious books (hymn book, the liturgy of the church). The spoken Word is emphasized. The confession and absolution of sin is central. The religious experience of the individual and the fellowship of the congregation are both vitally important. Frugality / "nøysomhet" is an important ethical value, which may be seen in the simple lifestyle of many Laestadians. They often abstain from the use of alcohol, but not of tobacco. Commonly Laestadians do not go to the theatre or the cinema and often do not have a TV. Some Laestadian branches follow conservative rules for women’s clothing, they usually wear skirts, they keep their hair long and cover their heads at the meetings of the congregation. Tilbake til teksten

[2] In Alta, Finnmark, where I have lived and worked for some years, Laestadianism is represented by two of its several branches. One of these, the so-called Lyngen-Laestadians, named after Lyngen in Troms where they originated and still have a stronghold, established their own school for grades 1-9 in 1990. It is situated on the border between Troms and Finnmark. A group of parents within the other branch, the Alta-Laestadians, are about to open their own school this autumn, situated in the centre of Alta. I mention this to illustrate the vitality of the movement in parts of Troms and Finnmark, and to point to a concern of vital importance to many Laestadians, the contents and values of education. The establishment of schools may also serve to illustrate the fact that many Laestadians have large families, i.e. a large number of children. In some instances such families have been important for the continued existence of a state school in a small community, and they are commonly recognized as a counter-factor against the migration of people southwards. As fellow citizens one meets with Laestadians in many public arenas, including as colleagues. Their own social network is often wide, but they do not lead isolated lives. Some of them may be distinguished by certain typical traits of life style, such as mentioned above. Tilbake til teksten

[3] The relationship between the Laestadian congregation and the local church is illustrated by Kristine’s employment. It is unproblematic up to a point: Kristine does not assist at the services held by female ministers. Laestadian meetings do not collide in time with the main Sunday services of the State Church. Tilbake til teksten

[4] Typical of Laestadian congregational life is that as a matter of principal all ages participate together. Some branches provide Sunday school as well, but this differs little in form from the main meetings, and generally children are expected to grow into the faith and practices of the congregation gradually, by participation. The main meetings normally last two - three hours. It is fully accepted and not uncommon to go outside from time to time, perhaps to light a cigarette (smoking is considered an unimportant adiaforon). After meetings it is common to socialize and have a meal together. Tilbake til teksten

[5] The scenario resembles what goes for Finnmark at large, a county in which a relatively low percentage of the population has been through higher education. Tilbake til teksten

[6] There are many examples that Laestadians, women as well as men, have been politically active, from the local level to the national. Tilbake til teksten

[7] This presentation is given in a session that asks questions about women, religion and human rights. At this point I would like to make a short comment on Laestadian women seen in such a context. In a human rights perspective I find M. Nussbaum’s “capabilities approach" and reflections on political liberalism versus a more comprehensive liberalism very applicable. (See: Cohen, Howard and Nussbaum, eds., 1999, Is Multiculturalism Bad for Women?, p.105-114.) In keeping with Nussbaum, Norwegian anthropologist Unni Wikan has argued for the use of one unconditional criterion in the assessment of women and multiculturalism - this is the right to exit. (Unni Wikan in a lecture held at the university of Tromsø, Nov. 1st, 2002.) Laestadian women have this right. While Laestadianism in many places is a movement of great vitality, it is not uncommon that people leave it. Young people may slowly drift away as they grow up and become independent of their parents. This happened to Kristine, but during a revival, she returned. Others go through a more dramatic break. Laestadianism, like other communities, does not always function according to its own ideals, and there are those who have traumatic experiences within it. A break may be both difficult and painful because of social and emotional ties. If there is an element of social control, this may be hard to overcome. To say something more definite about such aspects would demand a different and more thorough investigation than the one I have done. The point here is simply that exit is possible, and without fear of reprisals. Tilbake til teksten

[8] From early on this has been a basic characterization of the movement. See f. ex. O. Brännström 1962, Den læstadianska själavårdstraditionen i Sverige under 1800-talet. Tilbake til teksten

[9] "I will give you the keys of the kingdom of heaven, whatever you bind on earth will be bound in heaven, and whatever you loose on earth will be loosed in heaven." (Mat. 16.19.) "If you forgive anyone his sins, they are forgiven; if you do not forgive them, they are not forgiven." (Joh. 20.23.) Tilbake til teksten

[10] A hallmark of Lutheranism, but the link between this and confessional practice is distinctly Laestadian. Tilbake til teksten

[11] (My translation.) In: E. Wentin, 1986, Læstadianismen i Österbotten, s. 141. Tilbake til teksten